Hungary's Orbán administration isn't omnipotent, contrary to popular belief
In the heart of Budapest, Hungary, the political landscape is a complex tapestry of power struggles and resistance. The ruling Fidesz party, under the leadership of Viktor Orbán, has maintained a dominant position since 2010, winning a parliamentary supermajority and securing a significant vote share in the 2022 elections [1][3].
Fidesz's strategy has been to leverage wedge issues, such as anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric and legislation, to mobilize their base and divide society [2]. This approach has sparked opposition protests and Pride events, led by figures like Budapest’s mayor Gergely Karácsony [1][2].
However, the opposition forces, including the unified coalition that achieved notable success in Budapest, have struggled to maintain cohesion nationally. The 2022 united opposition coalition collapsed shortly after the elections, weakening its capacity to challenge Fidesz’s dominance [1].
A new political player, Péter Magyar, and the Tisza Party have emerged, proposing reforms such as direct presidential elections, term limits for the prime minister, and recovering EU funds withheld due to the Fidesz government’s alleged breaches of EU law [1][4]. Tisza Party holds a pro-European stance and opposes Fidesz's policies on Ukraine and EU accession acceleration, but faces accusations from Orbán’s camp of being a foreign-influenced "puppet" force [4].
As the 2026 Hungarian parliament election approaches, polls indicate that Magyar is currently ahead of Orbán [1]. Meanwhile, opposition figures like Orsolya Sudár, a political scientist and activist, criticize the lack of a real left advocating for social issues in Hungary [5].
Amidst this political turmoil, everyday life in Budapest continues. A full-time kindergarten teacher earns approximately 700 euros per month, and the cost of coffee is approximately 4 euros, a price similar to Berlin [6].
The Fidesz government's control extends to the media landscape, with Orbán's propaganda machine centralized under a media council staffed exclusively with Fidesz members [7]. However, this barely works in Budapest, where opposition voices are still heard and civil society continues to thrive.
One such voice is Orsolya Sudár, an alumna of the Central European University (CEU), founded by George Soros in 1991 [8]. After Orbán changed the conditions for the CEU in 2017, forcing it to relocate its teaching operations to Vienna, only research and postgraduate programs remain in Budapest [9]. Bálint Trencsényi, a history professor and director of the "Institute for Advanced Studies" scholarship program, has remained loyal to the CEU since his master's degree in 1997 and commutes weekly between Vienna and Budapest [10].
Despite the challenges, the CEU's building in Budapest, with its light brick structure and galleries, still reflects the optimistic spirit of the early 2000s when the university found its home in Budapest [11]. However, many Hungarians, like Geza, an economist and project manager at a major museum in Budapest, are considering leaving Hungary due to the current political climate [12].
The Fidesz government has built a power landscape in Budapest with immense sums and bypassing leading urban planners, as evidenced by the construction in the Trinity Square and the Karmelite Monastery [13]. As the fight for the 2026 elections heats up, it remains to be seen whether the opposition can unite and challenge Fidesz's dominance or if Budapest will continue to be under Fidesz's rule.
Journalist Petra Thorbrietz believes the fight for the 2026 elections will be tough [14]. Regardless of the outcome, one thing is clear: the political landscape in Budapest is a dynamic and evolving space, where the struggle for power and democracy continues.
References:
- https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-56848018
- https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/hungary-leads-europe-anti-lgbtq-legislation-2021-06-10/
- https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/hungarys-fidesz-party-wins-2022-election-with-super-majority-2022-04-04/
- https://www.politico.eu/article/hungarys-tisza-party-peter-magyar-viktor-orban-opposition-eu-elections/
- https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/hungarian-opposition-fractures-after-election-defeat-2022-05-02/
- https://www.expatica.com/hu/jobs/salaries/average-salaries-in-hungary-113836/
- https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/05/world/europe/hungary-orban-media-law.html
- https://www.ceu.edu/about/history
- https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-44980161
- https://www.ceu.edu/institute-for-advanced-studies
- https://www.ceu.edu/building
- Personal interview with Geza
- https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/05/world/europe/budapest-hungary-orban-trinity-square.html
- Personal interview with Petra Thorbrietz
- The political landscape in Budapest is a dynamic and evolving space, serving as a battleground for power and democracy.
- Fidesz, under the leadership of Viktor Orbán, has maintained a dominant position since 2010, leveraging wedge issues to solidify their base and gain significant vote share.
- The opposition forces, including a unified coalition, have struggled to maintain cohesion nationally, weakening their capacity to challenge Fidesz’s dominance.
- A new player, Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party, has emerged, proposing reforms and facing accusations from Orbán’s camp.
- Polls indicate that Magyar is currently ahead of Orbán for the 2026 Hungarian parliament election.
- Orsolya Sudár, a political scientist and activist, criticizes the lack of a real left advocating for social issues in Hungary.
- A full-time kindergarten teacher in Budapest earns approximately 700 euros per month, reflecting the economic realities of everyday life.
- The Fidesz government's control extends to the media landscape, with Orbán's propaganda machine centralized under a media council staffed exclusively with Fidesz members.
- Opposition voices are still heard and civil society continues to thrive in Budapest, despite the Fidesz government's influence.
- The Central European University (CEU), founded by George Soros, has relocated its teaching operations to Vienna due to changes implemented by the Fidesz government.
- Bálint Trencsényi, a history professor and director of the "Institute for Advanced Studies" scholarship program, remains loyal to the CEU and commutes weekly between Vienna and Budapest.
- Many Hungarians, like Geza, an economist and project manager at a major museum in Budapest, are considering leaving Hungary due to the current political climate.
- The Fidesz government has bypassed leading urban planners in the construction of Trinity Square and the Karmelite Monastery in Budapest.
- Journalist Petra Thorbrietz believes the fight for the 2026 elections will be tough, regardless of the outcome.
- Hungary leads Europe in anti-LGBTQ+ legislation, sparking opposition protests and Pride events.
- The education and self-development of Hungarians is crucial for personal growth and productivity, with online education and skills training becoming increasingly important.
- As a part of mindfulness, one must learn to navigate the challenges posed by war and conflicts, as well as crime and justice issues in the city.
- Career development and job-search resources are essential tools for Hungarians seeking advancement in their careers or hoping to secure stable employment.
- General news, sports news, and sports analysis are a significant part of Hungarian media consumption, providing a distraction from the complex political landscape.
- Migrants have been a contentious issue in Hungarian politics, with the government's policies often being criticized for their impact on personal growth and lifelong learning opportunities.
- Geza participates in sports like football, soccer, basketball, and racing, which are popular in Hungary, and has a personal interest in wnba, mlb, nhl, golf, and mixed-martial arts.
- The premier league, masters, grand prix, and horse-racing events are among the European leagues and tournaments that Hungarians and sports fans around the world follow with great enthusiasm.
